Mohanad Berekdar is a long-time civil society leader in Israel, a Palestinian citizen, and the director of NIF’s Nasij (“Tapestry” in Arabic) program strengthening the civil society of Palestinian citizens of Israel. He explains the reality on the ground for his community in Israel in the fraught post-October 7th Israeli society.

Mohanad will be speaking at the Haaretz conference in Toronto on September 14th, representing Palestinian civil society leadership in Israel. Register here to watch the livestream. 

Tell us where you grew up in Israel, and what was your experience of growing up as a Palestinian citizen of Israel?

I was born in 1979 and grew up in Nazareth. It was a rich city in terms of culture, politics, education, and activities. There were so many public and community events in the 1980s and 1990s, whereas today there’s almost none. I was living in an Arab city, and it was almost like a bubble for me. My first interactions in a non-Arab space were in university. I still live in Nazareth, built a house there, and moved in a year ago.

How did you get started in this work? What initially drew you to work for the New Israel Fund?

My work with NIF is mainly in Shatil; it’s the Israel-based operating arm that helps build movements, train the next generation of leaders and supports those organizations working to effect change in Israel. This is my second time in Shatil, as I first worked there in 2005-2009. Before that, I was in youth volunteering and joined many civil society organizations like the Arab Forum for Sexuality.

I first became involved at university and participating in civil society really impacted my identity, positions, and how to perceive my society on a political level. In Palestinian society this wasn’t discussed at home, but being active in several organizations helped me on this journey of exploration and understanding social issues. I felt this space of civil society spoke my language, which is not spoken in formal institutions. That’s why I felt this is where I want to be, working with civil society, Shatil, and NIF.

What was your experience of October 7th as an Israeli citizen with colleagues (and family?) in the West Bank and Gaza? What should Canadian Jews know about what it’s been like for you since the beginning of this Israeli government?

It’s been a disaster after disaster. What word can describe more than a disaster? Catastrophe. For me, it was on two levels.

Firstly, to witness what happened on that day, the number of killings and atrocities by Hamas that day. It was really indescribable what happened. I remember waking up on Saturday at 7 am, seeing our work WhatsApp group and asking what was happening and checking if everyone was okay. I didn’t understand; I was the only Palestinian in this group. I said if anyone needs help, they can come to my home in Nazareth.

But at the same time, I worried about what would happen in Gaza. After the disproportionate response of Israel in Gaza over the last two years, I think sadness is the dominant feeling and grieving for every news item, every scene, every video, every piece of information that we’ve been hearing. The images of what’s happening there are haunting for me personally, in my dreams. Sometimes I wake up like I’m hearing screams. In this grieving there’s this hand blocking us from whatever we’re feeling. You just keep it to yourself, because expressing what you’re going through is an excuse for the Israeli government to call you a terrorist, stigmatize you, and persecute you. We are in front of an attacking machine that doesn’t distinguish anymore between legitimate freedom of expression or illegitimate actions.

This is the feeling of the last two years for us, even between us Palestinians. We feel ashamed at our inaction or staying silent, because that’s become a criminal action in the Israeli political context.

Do you have colleagues or family in the West Bank or Gaza?

I have many former colleagues from Gaza and a lot of friends have family there and they are always occupied with how they can send money to their family in Gaza. For me, it’s a natural extension of my social network and part of my professional circle. I’m afraid to send a message to them because I don’t want to hear bad news. Some of them message to say they are alive. I don’t have relatives in Gaza or the West Bank, but I worked in Ramallah for seven years. For us, Gaza and the West Bank is a natural, extended part of who we are.

In your view, what are the two biggest issues facing Palestinian citizens of Israel since October 7th and the Gaza war?

It’s the new level of violence and aggression the Israeli government is capable of in terms of how they treat Palestinians. In Gaza, it’s this extreme monstrosity. But in the West Bank, we’re also seeing hundreds or thousands of people being evacuated and their houses demolished. And towards us Palestinians in Israel, there’s much more crime and aggression.

We’re on a spectrum and it will reach us at some point. Also, it’s not just the military or government. What’s really concerning me is there’s huge public support in Israeli society for treating Palestinians as sub-humans and an enemy. We are witnessing attacks in the settlements, on Arab bus drivers, in public places, the streets. These are assaults on Palestinians because they are Palestinians and an overall atmosphere that it’s fine and even patriotic to attack Palestinians. This is a very dangerous environment to live in. The second concerning issue is the expansion of organized crime in the Arab society inside Israel, for the last 15 years, there are on average 220 -230 victims of shootings every year for the past 5 years, and it’s worsening. We feel it even sitting at home and lack a sense of basic safety. We hear about crime shootings in our neighbourhoods – I have two kids and sometimes I’m too afraid to have them go to the store.

What motivates you to get up each day and do this work, despite the challenges?

There was a big protest against the war in Sakhnin, a Palestinian village in Israel. It was the first big demonstration by Palestinians inside Israel against the war bringing out 10,000 people. I felt that something important happened there, because protesting is the right thing to do.

Through our work, uniquely with Shatil and NIF, we partner with organizations who tackle issues’ root causes. For this work, you need to be political and protest. As a Palestinian, you are made to feel “less than” but these organizations bring back your dignity – dignity, and the sense that you are capable of changing things.

This is what keeps me waking up in the morning, working with organizations, activists, and people who don’t accept the status quo. Israeli policy imposes a sense of not being able to change anything or work collectively. The activists we are working with are challenging this approach and taking back the ownership that we can do things for ourselves. And this really keeps me ticking. I feel this is a calling.

What kind of message do you think the attempted expulsion of Ayman Odeh from the Knesset sends to Palestinian citizens in Israel? What message does the successful defeat of that effort say to Israel’s ruling coalition?

For us, the main message is you’re not wanted as part of Israeli society or politics. Every time there’s elections, there’s a threat of expelling one of the parties. The Supreme Court said no, this is not democratic.

This is nothing new and the right-wing trend in Israeli society has been going on for decades. The Nation-State Law was issued before this government took office and previous governments gave space for the extreme right. The attempt to expel Ayman Odeh was part of this shift.

Before October 7th, there was an internal discussion between Palestinian citizens about the effectiveness of our Arab parties in the Knesset. Some argued that the Arab parties were giving Israel a façade of democracy, without the ability to improve the lives of Palestinians inside Israel. There was a legitimate discussion over whether or not to enter elections.

Now, there’s more consensus about the importance of us being in the Knesset after the rise of Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. At least if we’re there, you’ll have less extremists and Ayman staying in the Knesset gave a push to this consensus. NIF and its coalitions succeeded in convincing parts of the opposition not to vote in favour of expelling Ayman. There’s a shift in understanding – our community needs Palestinians representing our voices in all platforms.

Where do you see success in marshalling civil society groups to push back, and how effective do you think it’s been on the ground? Where do you find hope?

There’s been a lot of accomplishment across different fields. For example, in education, the percentage of Palestinians in universities and academia has really risen in the last 20 or 30 years, as well as in the workplace and high-tech sector. This is significant because many civil society organizations have advocated for this. We’ve also made progress in healthcare, for people with disabilities and women’s rights. Each decade has its own challenges, but these accomplishments fuel our energy.

You’re speaking at our Haaretz conference this September on a panel about democracy in Israel. What message would you like to deliver to Canadians about equality in Israel?

Democracy in Israel has been deteriorating and is getting worse for Palestinians. In terms of the classical notion of democracy, I don’t believe it existed in Israel. Palestinians are systematically discriminated against on a legal level because they’re not Jewish. It’s a very partial and limited democracy for us and we can see it in different aspects of life, including land, rights, and governance. Legalizing settlements, occupation, the siege on Gaza, all these things were made under the system of democracy. And I think it’s important to review the main pillars of democracy in Israel, because for Palestinians, it is really lacking. However, there is some space for freedom of expression, compared to Gaza or some other places. But when we compare it, we always do so with places that none of us wants to live rather than more normal states. How does it help being a democracy if you’re committing atrocities against millions of people?

Conversation edited for length and clarity.

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